Australian Aboriginal link to Göbekli Tepe?



 

“We start with a comparison between the only female figure discovered at Göbekli Tepe,

and a rock painting depicting a well-known creator being from Arnhem land, Yingarna.

The likeness between these two images is immediately striking; we recognise similar posture with the same positioning of the legs and breasts, cartoonish exaggeration of the female genitalia, and clearly inhuman heads”.

 

Bruce R. Fenton

 

 

Whilst in the following article, Bruce Fenton manages to draw some amazing comparisons between Australian aboriginal art and that found at Göbekli Tepe, I (Damien Mackey) would neither accept his dating (his evolutionary views), or his belief that the aboriginals were at Göbekli Tepe only after having been in Australia. Göbekli Tepe first, I would suggest, and then, some time later, the great southern continent.

 

Bruce Fenton writes:

http://ancientnews.net/2017/10/13/a-global-aboriginal-australian-culture-the-proof-at-gobekli-tepe/

 

A Global Aboriginal Australian Culture? The Proof at Göbekli Tepe

 

By Bruce R. Fenton on 13th October 2017 Archaeology

A Global Aboriginal  Australian Culture? The Proof at Göbekli Tepe

(Originally published in New Dawn Magazine, July 2017)

 

Scientists and independent researchers have publicly speculated on the purpose of the mysterious Göbekli Tepe megalithic complex in southern Turkey. The question that the experts seem unable to address is the identity of the builders. Having completed an in-depth investigation of human origins and early migrations, it is now appropriate to reveal my extraordinary findings – Göbekli Tepe is the product of Aboriginal Australian culture. The identification of the builders will likely be considered very controversial, as it should because this represents a major paradigm shift.

 

Göbekli Tepe is the largest well-dated megalithic complex of the pre-pottery period. There may be other megalithic sites of greater antiquity, but none matches the complexity, scale and advanced knowledge revealed at this site.

 

In 1994, Klaus Schmidt of the German Archaeological Institute began excavations at a Neolithic hill site in what is today southern Turkey (formerly Armenia). Beneath the hill was the most extraordinary archaeological site yet uncovered, remarkable for both its immense size and incredible antiquity.

 

By BRUCE FENTON

Images of Göbekli Tepe. top: Beginning stages of the archaeological dig plus location map. middle: Aerial view. above: Researcher Alistair Coombs standing next to one of the massive T-shaped stone pillars.

 

Göbekli Tepe is an arrangement of at least two hundred T-shaped stone pillars of up to 6 metres in height and 22 tonnes in weight. The pillars are covered with imagery. The recognised boundaries of the complex include over 22 acres of land.¹ The physical aspects of the Göbekli Tepe archaeological site are quite amazing, but its dating astonished researchers. The pillars of Göbekli Tepe have stood for at least 12,000 years, 10,000 of those underneath a huge pile of soil deliberately placed over them.

Göbekli Tepe is not some lone anomalous site, existing outside a greater context. Archaeologists recognise around 40 archaeological sites sharing the cultural signature observed at Göbekli Tepe. These discoveries cover a vast area within the Mesopotamian region. Scientists have also identified a correlation between the distribution of ancient sites and the presence of wheatgrasses.

There has been significant debate on the purpose of the Göbekli Tepe constructions. Mainstream academics tend to suggest it was a ceremonial site. The plethora of stylised animals on the pillars, alongside many anthropomorphic beings, is certainly reminiscent of known shamanistic traditions. The strongest argument put forward by the academics is that a form of ‘bird shamanism’ was observed by the local culture. Some members of the Göbekli Tepe research team have gone as far as to speculate that crane dances may have been performed there.²

Leading voices in the independent and alternative archaeological research community have offered their opinions on Göbekli Tepe. In his recent book Gobekli Tepe Genesis of the Gods: The Temple of the Watchers and the Discovery of Eden, Andrew Collins finds agreement with the proposed bird-shamanism link. Collins connects biblical tales to the site, including the ‘Garden of Eden’ and the mysterious ‘Watchers’. His work also suggests that a pre-historic Polish population, the Swiderian culture, might be the builders. In his bestselling book Magicians of the Gods: The Forgotten Wisdom of Earth’s Lost Civilization, Graham Hancock gives significant space to an analysis of Göbekli Tepe. Hancock details a possible astronomical interpretation of animal symbols on pillar 43, suggesting these images represent recognisable constellations. Pillar 43 is regarded in his work as a snapshot of the sky at the time of a cometary impact event.

Dr. Robert M. Schoch, an associate professor at the College of General Studies, Boston University, briefly discusses Göbekli Tepe in his book, Forgotten Civilization: The Role of Solar Outbursts in our Past and Future. Dr. Schoch is well-known for his attribution of the Egyptian Sphinx to a lost civilisation that existed around 9,000 years ago. Göbekli Tepe offers support for Schoch’s existing hypothesis that a megalithic culture existed during the pre-pottery period. He suspects that the deliberate burial of Göbekli Tepe followed the onset of cataclysmic solar storms.

 

 

These three heavyweights all agree the site was at least in some significant part an astronomical observatory and that it offers compelling evidence for an advanced civilisation that fell foul to a forgotten catastrophic event. They also see obvious links between the dating of Göbekli Tepe and the Younger Dryas climate events. Briefly, the Younger Dryas period is marked by sudden intense cooling 12,800 years ago followed by equally sudden and intense warming 11,500 years ago. Archaeological evidence suggests that at both ends of the Younger Dryas global cataclysms occurred that led to mass extinctions.

Certainly, the megalithic builders responsible for Göbekli Tepe lived through the collapse of their civilisation and decided to bury their work. It is evident their culture went into rapid retreat, and today it only remains in the region of origination [sic] – Australasia. The stones of Göbekli Tepe speak, but only if one knows their language. These mighty megaliths bear the signature of the Australian Aboriginal traditions from which they emerged.

The fingerprints of this culture remain across much of northern Australia, but lest anyone raise the accusation of regional cherry-picking, the focus here will be almost entirely in one area, Arnhem Land.

 

Carved on exposed megalith at Gobekli Tepe – Image Credit: Verity Cridland

 

Arnhem land is no arbitrary selection for investigation. Situated on the closest point to the Indonesian islands, Arnhem Land was once part of lands that extended much further out into the Timor Sea and the Arafura Sea. Migrants moving towards Southeast Asia would have passed through what is now Arnhem Land.

 

 

Yingarna is a female, humanoid, personification of a rainbow serpent, one of the powerful entities from Aboriginal mythology (Dreaming Lore).

The female rainbow serpent is responsible for seeding humanity across the landscape, while the male rainbow serpent is responsible for shaping much of the landscape.⁵ George Chaloupka, the foremost expert on the rock art of Arnhem Land, informs us that:

The belief in the Rainbow Snake, a personification of fertility, increase (richness in propagation of plants and animals) and rain, is common throughout Australia. It is a creator of human beings, having life-giving powers that send conception spirits to all the waterholes. It is responsible for regenerating rains, and also for storms and floods when it acts as an agent of punishment against those who transgress the law or upset it in any way. It swallows people in great floods and regurgitates their bones, which turn into stone, thus documenting such events.⁶

Until very recent historical times, all traffic was one-way, moving out of Australasia not inwards. This fact has been well established in multiple genetic studies and indicates that any truly ancient cultural elements are indigenous to Australia.³ There is also some evidence that the flooded lands of the Sahul and Sunda plates, shown in the maps on page 62, were once home to an advanced megalithic culture, eventually swallowed by the rising sea. Arnhem Land would have formed part of this lost culture’s territory and is likely to retain elements from it. This region also boasts an extensive wealth of ancient rock art, some of which dates to 45,000 years before present.⁴

We start with a comparison between the only female figure discovered at Göbekli Tepe, and a rock painting depicting a well-known creator being from Arnhem land, Yingarna. The likeness between these two images is immediately striking; we recognise similar posture with the same positioning of the legs and breasts, cartoonish exaggeration of the female genitalia, and clearly inhuman heads.

The belief in the Rainbow Snake, a personification of fertility, increase (richness in the propagation of plants and animals) and rain, is common throughout Australia. It is a creator of human beings, having life-giving powers that send conception spirits to all the waterholes. It is responsible for regenerating rains, and also for storms and floods when it acts as an agent of punishment against those who transgress the law or upset it in any way. It swallows people in great floods and regurgitates their bones, which turn into stone, thus documenting such events.⁶

In the traditions of Arnhem Land peoples, Yingarna is said to have arrived on the eastern shores of the continent, emerging from the ocean. Yingarna carried many bags with her, each containing spirit children and yam seeds. We can see these bags in a second rock art painting (see above). Note her extremely narrow and serpentine body atop which sits the same strangely shaped head we saw in the previous painting. The only facial features are two huge eyes.

Wherever Yingarna travelled, she seeded human populations, giving to each group a bag containing their culture and language. Before moving onwards, Yingarna would teach the newly founded communities how to farm yams.⁷

The Rainbow Serpent takes many forms, not only humanoid and serpentine but also sometimes a bizarre chimaera incorporating elements of multiple animals and plants. In the above bark painting, we see Yingarna with a feathered head, fishtail and sprouting many strange mushroom-like appendages. These strange growths are Australian yam plants with distinctive heart-shaped leaves.

above:  Pillar56 in Enclosure H at Göbekli Tepe shows multiple large-bodied birds with long necks. These bird images are almost identical to emus represented in rock art from Arnhem Land.
above right:  Another pillar with emu-like birds.
top right:  Artist depiction (by Nobu Tamura) of Genyornis newtoni, a now extinct, large, flightless bird that lived in Australia.
right:  Two examples of Genyornis painted on 40,000-year-old Arnhem Land rock art

 

If we look again at the engraving of the female figure from Göbekli Tepe, we see it has one of Yingarna’s yam leaves as her head. This parallel in iconography, across such a vast distance, is nothing short of stunning. (image credit: Ben Gunn).

If we return to Göbekli Tepe’s iconic pillar 43, we see this column includes depictions of both serpents and bags. Three bags are given the most prominent position of all – right at the very top. The snakes depicted on the relief sport swollen heads, making them resemble mushrooms. This is a common element of snakes engraved around the compound.

If we take a closer look at one of the serpents depicted at Göbekli Tepe, on a stone artefact (see page 63), we see the exaggerated head. It is evident the artists tried to make it clear these are not common snakes.

The yam-leaf-shaped heads remind us immediately of rainbow serpent iconography. If we take a glance at the painting of Yingarna with her bags we recognise the same bulbous head with prominent eyes. If we were to add two arms to this snake engraving, and placed a few bags around the neck, we would have a perfect replication of Yingarna. The builders of Göbekli Tepe were living during a time of global catastrophe, a significant part of which involved flooding, animal extinctions and assumedly forced relocations. With immense changes happening in their world, it may be that Göbekli Tepe represents their strenuous human effort to reverse the declining environmental situation. The images at Göbekli Tepe are mostly animals; it is tempting to think that this represented a significant effort by the shamans to call forth the spirits of the animals, many of which had become extinct. The second part of this project would have been an effort to placate spiritual beings associated with flooding, such as the rainbow serpent. Snake images are everywhere at Göbekli Tepe.  Birds are another well-represented animal form at Göbekli Tepe. At the very bottom of pillar 43 we see a large bird head attached to a very long neck, we do not see the body, but it looks rather like an emu. Large flightless birds appear elsewhere, most notably on pillar 56 where we see representations of multiple large-bodied birds with long necks. These bird images are almost identical to emus represented in rock art from Arnhem Land. These large birds may, in fact, be Genyornis, an emu-like bird that went extinct around 30,000 years ago. Similarities are evident when we look at a rock art depiction of Genyornis from a site in Australia’s Northern Territory. The emu holds a very special place in Aboriginal astronomy, associated with the dark rift of the Milky Way.

The second part of this project would have been an effort to placate spiritual beings associated with flooding, such as the rainbow serpent. Snake images are everywhere at Göbekli Tepe.  Birds are another well-represented animal form at Göbekli Tepe. At the very bottom of pillar 43 we see a large bird head attached to a very long neck, we do not see the body, but it looks rather like an emu. Large flightless birds appear elsewhere, most notably on pillar 56 where we see representations of multiple large-bodied birds with long necks. These bird images are almost identical to emus represented in rock art from Arnhem Land. These large birds may, in fact, be Genyornis, an emu-like bird that went extinct around 30,000 years ago. Similarities are evident when we look at a rock art depiction of Genyornis from a site in Australia’s Northern Territory. The emu holds a very special place in Aboriginal astronomy, associated with the dark rift of the Milky Way.⁸

It is especially interesting to note that pillar 56 includes an eagle grabbing a giant serpent in its talons with smaller serpents depicted beneath. In some of the many Aboriginal flood stories, it is the eagle that halts the progression of the rising seas. The flood is a punishment for human misbehaviour, and only after humans agree to correct their behaviour does the eagle step in and end the mounting cataclysm. The eagle also has a prominent role in Aboriginal astronomy, linked to both Altair and the Southern Cross.⁹

 

It is not only at Göbekli Tepe that we find this Aboriginal Australian symbolism. Contained in the greater body of research work is a far broader picture. After the cataclysms, new sprouts of civilisation emerged from cultural seeds planted by a lost Aboriginal Australian global culture. Aboriginal Australasians have carried the hidden history of this first culture through comet impacts, solar storms and deliberate genocide. Today we owe them an enormous debt. The sacred art of Aboriginal Australians provides a final few cultural connections between the builders of Göbekli Tepe and Aboriginal Australia. In these photographs, we see an exact match between a symbol on an Aboriginal elder’s chest and one on a pillar at Göbekli Tepe (see page 65). The meaning of this is often suggested to be of two people sitting to share knowledge.  On a central pillar in enclosure D, we find a set of symbols normally reserved for the most sacred artefacts of the Australian Aboriginals, churinga stones. A modern example of a churinga stone is shown on page 65. The only difference from the symbol on the pillar is that the two lines do not merge with the central circle. Churinga stones are regarded as receptacles for spiritual energy associated with creator beings, sky heroes that came down to Earth. Incredibly, the full pillar on which this churinga symbol appears is itself described as a stylised representation of a humanoid deity. We see the mysterious being’s arms folded just above the belt (see image on page 65).¹⁰

Bruce Fenton is the author of the new e-book The Forgotten Exodus: The Into Africa Theory of Human Evolution. He presents a compelling case for his new evolutionary hypothesis that Homo sapiens evolved first in Australasia, not Africa. Order through the links on his website www.brucefenton.info/ into-africa-theory/

 

© Copyright New Dawn Magazine, http://www.newdawnmagazine.com. Permission granted to freely distribute this article for non-commercial purposes if unedited and copied in full, including this notice.

 

….

 

FOOTNOTES

 

1. ‘Gobekli Tepe: The World’s First Temple?’ by Andrew Curry, Smithsonian Magazine, Nov 2008
2. “Dances with Cranes” – Animal masquerade in Pre-Pottery Neolithic ritual, https://tepetelegrams.wordpress.com/2016/11/14/danceswith-cranes-animal-masquerade-in-pre-pottery-neolithic-ritual/
3. ‘Aboriginal mitogenomes reveal 50,000 years of regionalism in Australia’, Nature 544, 180–184 (13 April 2017)
4. ‘Arnhem Land find proves to be rock art of ages’ by Caroline Herbert, ABC News, 19 Jun 2012
5. aboriginalartonline.com/culture/rainbow.php
6. George Chaloupka, Journey in Time: The World’s Longest Continuing Art Tradition, Reed, 1993
7. bluethumb.com.au/thommo-nganjmirra/Artwork/yingarna-creation-mother
8. Genyornis newtoni, Australian Museum, www.australian museum.net.au/genyornis-newtoni
9. ‘Bunjil’ by Carolyn Briggs Boonwurrung, Culture Victoria, www.cv.vic.gov.au/stories/aboriginal-culture/meerreeng- an-here-is-my-country/bunjil/
10. Tjurunga: Art and Religion, www.britannica.com/topic/tjurunga

 

So-called Paleolithic man was not dumb



 

 

Part One:

Long cultural tradition of sky watching

  

 

 

 

“The earliest known depiction of the constellation Orion,

according to Rappenglueck was carved on a piece of mammoth tusk”.

 

 

 

 

 

The following needs to be read according to a revised context (necessitating far lower BC dates) for Aurignacian Paleolithic as according to the sort of model pioneered by Dr. John Osgood, at: https://creation.com/a-better-model-for-the-stone-age

 

A Better Model for the Stone Age

 

 

Paleo-Astronomy

April 29, 2015August 4, 2015 ~ davidgnez ~ 1 Comment

 

In the previous post we discussed the “cultural explosion” of the Upper Paleolithic which brought the beginnings of art, religion, and magic, as well as technological advances. Along with these innovations came the earliest forms of observational astronomy, the calendar and astro-ceremonialism–mythology, religious beliefs and rituals associated with the heavenly bodies.

 

The Hall of the Bulls
Lascaux caves, France
photo: http://www.lascaux culture.fr

 

French paleo-astronomer Chantal Jegues-Wolkiewiez insists there was a long cultural tradition of skywatching among the people of the Cro-Magnon Age of Europe (30,000-10,000 BCE).

She proposes that the famous cave paintings of Lascaux in France record the constellations of a prehistoric version of the zodiac which included solstice points and major stars. Her theory is based on the discovery of numerous dots and tracings superimposed on the paintings of bulls, aurochs and horses on the walls of Lascaux. She claims these correspond to the patterns of constellations–most notably the constellations of Taurus and Pleiades and the stars Aldeberan and Antares. She proposes most of the constellations are represented by paintings of animals, accurately depicting their coloring and coats during the corresponding seasons of the year.  Jegues-Wolkiewiez visited 130 cave sites in France over a period of seven years, identifying solar alignments throughout the seasons, and found that 122 of the sites had optimal orientations to the setting of the sun during the solstices. She concludes that these sites were mainly selected because their interiors were illuminated by the setting sun on the day of the winter solstice. She also determined through computer modeling that the sun’s setting rays during the summer solstice illuminated the painting of the Red Bull on the back wall of the Hall of Bulls in Lascaux 17,000 years ago.

 

Bull painting from Lascaux with dots possibly indicating stars of Taurus, Orion and Pleiades

 

German researcher Dr. Michael Rappenglueck has arrived at similar conclusions, pointing to the markings juxtaposed on the painting of a bull at Lascaux, which he claims delineate the constellation Taurus. The Pleiades constellation is also accurately represented in its relative position in the sky over the bull’s shoulder. The Pleiades have been used as seasonal markers in ancient cultures worldwide and were possibly used to mark the autumn and spring equinoxes at the time the artwork of Lascaux was created.

Constellations of Orion, Taurus and Pleiades juxtaposed on bull paintingPainting from Shaft of the Dead Man–Lascaux

 

Rappenglueck believes the paintings of Lascaux not only represent the constellations, but also the cosmology of Paleolithic shamans. He points to the area of the caves known as the “Shaft of the Dead Man” where the enigmatic painting of a prone man, a bull, and bird perched on a staff can be found. It has been interpreted as a shaman lying in trance next to a sacrificed bull, watched over by his bird helping spirit.

Summer Triangle superimposed on painting from Shaft of the Dead Man.

 

According to Rappenglueck these figures form a map of the sky with the eyes of the bull, man, and bird representing the three prominent stars of Vega, Deneb and Altair. These three bright stars form the “Summer Triangle” which can be seen overhead during the summer months in the northern hemisphere.

Around 17,000 years ago they would have never set in the sky and would have been prominent during the early spring, in fact Deneb was close to the Pole Star at the time.  Rappenglueck notes: “It is a map of the prehistoric cosmos…It was their sky, full of animals and spirit guides.”

 

Orion carving with calendar on reverse
BBC-Science/Nature

 

The earliest known depiction of the constellation Orion, according to Rappenglueck was carved on a piece of mammoth tusk. This 32,000 year old artifact of the Aurignacian people of the Upper Paleolithic represents a male figure with arms and legs outstretched in the same pose as the constellation. The tablet also has 86 markings on its sides and back. Rappenglueck notes these are the number of days which when subtracted from a year equal the average number of days of human gestation. That number also matches the days that one of Orion’s brightest stars–Betelgeuse–is visible yearly, suggesting early skywatchers may have connected women’s pregnancy with the cycles of the celestial gods.

 

Paleolithic lunar calendar sservi.nasa.gov

 

Another researcher, Alexander Marshack, found what appears to be the worlds oldest calendars— small bone plates dated around 30,000- 32,000 years old— which are engraved or painted with dots or lines. After extensive analysis he concluded these correspond to lunar or solar motions. One tablet from Dordogne, France apparently represents the waxing and waning lunar positions in serpentine form.

 

These discoveries suggest that Upper Paleolithic peoples were sophisticated observers of the sky who tracked the motions of the sun, moon, and stars—and recorded their observations in cave paintings and calendars. Undoubtedly this knowledge would have enhanced their chances of survival, allowing them to predict seasonal animal migrations and weather changes. The research also sheds light on their religious beliefs and practices as well. The spectacular paintings of bulls in Lascaux, embellished with the markings of the constellations, imply these people may have possessed their own celestial myths, and even performed religious ceremonies associated with the solstices and changing of the seasons in the caves.

 

Egyptian sky-goddess Nut as cow.
E.A. Wallis Budge 1904

 

These findings raise the intriguing possibility that Paleolithic sky-lore may have been passed down to the early historical civilizations of Mesopotamia, Egypt and Neolithic Europe. Is it any coincidence that in some Egyptian myths the heavens were imagined as a star-spangled cow, or the Sumerians called the constellation Taurus “the bull of heaven”? The Greeks borrowed the constellation from the Babylonians, and as a bull it has remained since first painted on cave walls 17,000 years ago.

 

 

Part Two:

Australian Aboriginal Astronomy

 

Did Australian Aborigines

know of star Betelgeuse?

 

 

 

“The variation in Betelgeuse's brightness was believed to have been observed with a telescope in 1836 by Sir John Herschel, when he published his observations in

Outlines of Astronomy. However, the latest study suggests the Australian Aboriginals

knew of its variability long before this time, according to a report in ABC Science”.

 

April Holloway

 

 

According to this article by April Holloway, the aboriginals did know about the star:

http://www.ancient-origins.net/news-evolution-human-origins/australian-aboriginals-knew-variable-star-betelgeuse-098982#sthash.mzm7C0uI.dpuf

 

New research published in the Journal of Astronomical History and Heritage suggests that an ancient Aboriginal love story written in the sky reveals knowledge of variability in the star Betelgeuse, the ninth brightest star in the night sky and second brightest in the constellation of Orion.

 

Betelgeuse, also known as Alpha Orionis, is a variable star whose magnitude varies between 0.2 and 1.2. This means that the star brightens and fades over a period of about 400 days. The variation in Betelgeuse's brightness was believed to have been observed with a telescope in 1836 by Sir John Herschel, when he published his observations in Outlines of Astronomy. However, the latest study suggests the Australian Aboriginals knew of its variability long before this time, according to a report in ABC Science.

 

Early last century, famous anthropologist Daisy Bates spent 16 years living among the Aboriginal people of South Australia’s Great Victoria Desert, recording their daily lives, lore, and oral traditions. Among her archived notes are stories regarding the Aboriginal astronomical traditions of this region.

 

One story, now referred to as “The Orion Story” involves the stars making up the constellations of Orion and Taurus. According to the legend, the story tells how the constellation Orion (called ‘Nyeeruna’), which is often portrayed as a male hunter, chases after the Pleiades star cluster, usually portrayed as a group of seven sisters (‘Yugarila’). Standing between Nyeeruna (Orion) and Yugarilya (Pleiades cluster), is their eldest sister Kambugudha, represented by the Hyades star cluster. Kambugudha taunts Nyeeruna by standing before him. The club in Nyeeruna's right hand, which is the star Betelgeuse, fills with 'fire magic' ready to throw at Kambugudha. However, she defensively lifts her foot, which is the star Aldebaran and also full of fire magic, causing Nyeeruna great humiliation and putting out his fire.

….

A detailed analysis of the complete story has led researchers from the University of New South Wales to suggest that the reference to the ‘fire magic’ of Betelgeuse is an observation of the star in its bright phase, while reference to ‘putting out his fire’ is an observation of the fading of Betelgeuse.

"This is very interesting because this ancient story accurately describes the variability of Betelgeuse, which brightens and fades over a period of about 400 days," said one of the study authors, Dr Duane Hamacher.

Hamacher explains that other parts of the Orion Story refer to sparks coming from Nyeeruna's body, when he's filled with lust for the seven sisters. "The sparks coming from Nyeeruna, match the radiant of the annual Orionids meteor shower produced by Earth's passage through the debris trail of the comet Halley, which typically peaks over the last two weeks of October," said Hamacher.

 

Hamacher, and co-author Trevor Leaman, suggest that the Orion story is similar to myths and legends found in many other cultures around the world, including Greek mythology and legends from cultures across Asia, South America, and Africa.

 

In the Greek myth of the Pleiades, a group of seven sisters were transformed into a cluster of stars, and were chased by a man seen in the Orion stars. Photo source: Wikipedia.

 

"There's always a debate about why these stories are so similar from different places around the world," says Hamacher. "It could be contamination from one culture to another, but I think it's simply that as humans we perceive natural phenomena in certain similar ways”.

[End of quotes]

 

Mackey’s comment: Or it could be that we are all descendants of the one human family which was already in possession of this astronomical knowledge.

Part Three:

Skilled Aboriginal encoding of knowledge

 

“It was evident to Kelly that Aboriginal people catalogued huge scores of information

about animals – including species types, physical features, behaviour, links to food and plants – and wondered how they do it”.

 

 

The following is a brief review of Lynne Kelly’s intriguing book, The Memory Code (2016):

http://theconversation.com/the-memory-code-how-oral-cultures-memorise-so-much-information-65649

 

Ancient Celtic bards were famous for the sheer quantity of information they could memorise. This included thousands of songs, stories, chants and poems that could take hours to recite in full.

 

Today we are pretty spoiled. Practically the whole of human knowledge is conveniently available at our fingertips. Why worry about memorising something when we can simply Google it?

 

The answer seems pretty evident when we go into a panic after losing our smartphones!

 

Long before the ancient Celts, Aboriginal Australians were recording vast scores of knowledge to memory and passing it to successive generations.

 

Aboriginal people demonstrate that their oral traditions are not only highly detailed and complex, but they can survive – accurately – for thousands, even tens of thousands [sic?], of years.

 

Yet I struggle to remember what I did last Tuesday. So how did they do it?

 

Researcher Lynne Kelly was drawn to this question while investigating Aboriginal knowledge about animals for her PhD.

 

It was evident to Kelly that Aboriginal people catalogued huge scores of information about animals – including species types, physical features, behaviour, links to food and plants – and wondered how they do it.

 

A memorable thing

 

Aboriginal elders explained to her how they encode knowledge in song, dance, story and place. This led to a theory that may revolutionise archaeology.

 

It has long been known that the human brain has evolved [sic] to associate memory with place, referred to as the method of loci. This means that we associate memory with a location. How often do memories come flooding back to us when we visit our childhood haunt?

 

Loci (Latin for “place”), can refer to landscape features, ceremonial sites, abstract designs – anything with distinct features where information can be linked to memory.

 

Stonehenge evolved from a simpler structure to the complex megalith we see today over the course of thousands of years. Was it an evolving memory space? Duane Hamacher, Author provided

 

Kelly developed this into a framework that may explain the purpose of famous sites such as Stonehenge, the Nasca lines and the Moai of Easter Island.

 

The meanings of these sites have been a topic of controversy for decades. What Kelly proposes in her new book The Memory Code is that sites such as Stonehenge and the Nasca lines are actually memory spaces.

 

Knowledge is power

 

In oral cultures, knowledge is power. It is imperative that the most important knowledge be maintained and preserved by a few select custodians who have proven their worth.

In Indigenous cultures, elders who have passed the highest levels of initiation hold the deepest levels of knowledge.

 

This is reflected in ceremonial sites where knowledge is passed down. Aboriginal initiation sites include a secret area where the most sacred knowledge is discussed.

We also see this at Stonehenge, where the perimeter of standing stones shields the centre of the ring, where the most important aspects knowledge are passed on through ceremony.

 

These sites include features that are unique in shape and form. At Uluru, the Anangu elders associate every crevice, bump, and notch around the perimeter of the mountain with knowledge that is stored to memory.

 

Uluru close up reveals a very textured environment. Shutterstock/Peter Zurek

 

Star maps and memory

 

But loci is not only linked to places you can touch or visit. Indigenous people also use the stars as memory spaces.

 

For example, groups of stars can represent features on the landscape. Aboriginal Law Man Ghillar Michael Anderson explains how the Euahlayi people were able to travel long distances for trade and ceremony.

 

The Euahlayi would memorise star maps at night and learn the songs that talk about their relationship to the land. Each star was associated with a landscape feature, such as a waterhole.

 

Later in the year, they would sing the song as they travelled across country by day. These songline routes became the foundation of some of our highway networks that criss-cross the country.

 

Rather than navigating by the stars, the stars themselves serve as a memory space.

 

Landscape features and songlines represented by stars in the Milky Way also correspond to modern highways. Robert Fuller and Google Maps, Author provided

 

In The Memory Code, Kelly provides new insights into how oral societies are able to store vast quantities of knowledge to memory without it degrading over time.

 

It may explain how Aboriginal memories of land that existed before it was flooded by rising sea levels during the last Ice Age survived in oral tradition for more than 7,000 years [sic].

 

To test it herself, Kelly used the technique to memorise all of the world’s countries in order of population by linking them with features around her neighbourhood, including buildings and gardens – making up her own stories for each one. And she can now recite them flawlessly.

 

You might be surprised how easy it is to do yourself.

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